Had Mamata Banerjee not severed her ties with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in 2001, she might have ascended to the position of Chief Minister of West Bengal that same year, according to former Tripura Governor and ex-BJP state president Tathagatha Roy in his new book Desires, Dreams, and Powers.
The book, which narrates Roy’s experiences in politics, provides insights into the transformation of Banerjee’s relationship with the BJP from alliance to rivalry.
“She broke away from the Congress to form her own party, the Trinamool Congress, successfully taking a significant portion of the Congress’s support base [in West Bengal] with her. She was a fiery street fighter, unparalleled in this role. Moreover, she highlighted her modest lifestyle, often seen wearing blue-and-white cotton sarees and inexpensive Hawaii chappals. These qualities helped her emerge as the undisputed leader of the opposition in West Bengal,” Roy writes.
Roy describes Banerjee’s decision to leave the NDA as a “significant mistake.” He suggests that if she had not parted ways with the alliance after a sting operation involving then BJP president Bangaru Laxman, she might have become the state’s chief minister in 2001. Banerjee eventually became the first woman Chief Minister of West Bengal in May 2011.
Recounting the events that led to the breakup, Roy writes, “It all started with a 2001 sting operation by Tehelka magazine, led by editor Tarun Tejpal. An undercover agent, pretending to represent a fictitious UK-based arms dealer, approached BJP president Bangaru Laxman, offered him money for an order of infra-red binoculars, and secretly filmed the transaction. Bangaru was seen accepting the money and placing it in a drawer. The video was broadcast on tehelka.com, leading to his resignation and later conviction by a special CBI court.”
In the aftermath of the scandal, Banerjee, then the Union Minister for Railways in Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s cabinet, resigned. “This was her opportunity to demonstrate her unimpeachable integrity and disdain for her ministerial position. She used her Hawaii slippers as a prop, flapping them in front of the media and declaring that her ministerial post was no more valuable than her ₹45 slippers. She then formally resigned, severed ties with the NDA, and rejoined the Congress, which she had left just four years earlier,” Roy writes.
Roy argues that her resignation was more about grandstanding and optics than practicality. “In terms of practical politics, she had no real reason to resign. Bangaru Laxman’s misconduct had no bearing on her party or her department. No other NDA coalition partner resigned except her. She chose to resign to emphasize her commitment to honesty in public life, but inadvertently overplayed her hand. The state was yet to see the corruption that would follow her rise to power.”
According to Roy, Banerjee later realized her error and sought to rejoin the NDA cabinet. “Desiring a ministerial position to exert some influence in the state, she approached Prime Minister Vajpayee. However, Atalji was not as accommodating this time and initially kept her as a minister without a portfolio. After some time, he appointed her as the Minister for Coal.”
Banerjee subsequently allied with the BJP for the 2003 Panchayat elections.
Roy also reflects on the 2001 state elections, which Banerjee was confident of winning. He notes that her attempt to unseat the CPI(M)-led Left Front failed. “The CPI(M) was not confident of victory in the 2001 elections due to anti-incumbency and Jyoti Basu’s unpopularity, having just been replaced by Buddhadeb Bhattacharya. Mamata’s resignation from the ministry and the NDA boosted their morale. Many CPI(M) local committees celebrated with feasts. The CPI(M)’s calculations proved correct, and they emerged victorious. Mamata Banerjee’s party secured just sixty seats, while the Congress obtained twenty-six,” he writes.